Australia and Overseas Chinese in Australia [Part. 2 Overseas Chinese in Australia] by: Chen Zhifu

Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1946.

澳洲及旅澳华侨 [下编 旅澳华侨]

作者：陈直夫

商务印书馆, 1946.

Chapter 1 Chinese Migration to Australia and the White Australia Policy

第I章 华人向澳之移殖与白澳政策之产生  

According to legend, it was as early as the thirteen century that the Chinese discovered Australia, and some stories also said that the traces of Chinese in Australia were recorded in the fourteenth century. However, these claims are yet to be proven, leaving people to get involved in archaeological expeditions and research to find further evidence.[1] The confirmed large-scale Chinese migration, beginning from 1840 to 1859, brought Chinese people to the colonies in southeastern and northwestern Australia for the gold rush and agricultural work, respectively, responding to the decision to import Asian workers by the local governments as an expedient to the shortage of the European labourers.[2] Yet the growing numbers of Chinese labourers were met with the resentment their white competitors held and the subsequent anti-Chinese activities, resulting from the qualities of endurance and perseverance displayed by Chinese. [3]    

[1]  Of all the “Chinese Discovery of Australia” theories, Gavin Menzies’ claim remains the most famous and controversial one. In the best-selling book, “1421: The year China discovered the world,” Menzies says that Zheng He (1371-1433), a famed eunuch admiral in China’s Ming Dynasty (1368-1644), led two fleets to Australia and America during an expeditionary treasure voyage. His book has been rejected and despised by the mainstream historians for lacking solid evidence and reliable resources. See Gavin Menzies, 1421: The Year China Discovered the World, London: Bantam Press, 2002. Also, see Robert Finlay, “How Not to (Re)Write World History: Gavin Menzies and the Chinese Discovery of America”, Journal of World History, 15 (2): 229, 2004, doi:10.1353/jwh.2004.0018 — Trans.

[2] The credibility of this sentence is slightly suspicious. The translator is unable to find any reference to prove that Chinese came to northwestern Australia to develop agricultural industry between 1840 and 1859. The only relevant history based on the research was this: From 1847 to 1898, the Chinese people, who were recruited in Singapore, came in Western Australia as indentured or contracted labourers for agriculturalist, pastoralists and pearlers. See James Jupp, ed., The Australian People: An Encyclopedia of the Nation, its people and their Origins, 2nd ed. Melbourne: Cambridge University Press, 2001, 214. — Trans.

[3]  In 1857, an infamous anti-Chinese race riot, known as Buckland Riot, occurred in the Buckland Valley, Victoria, where a group of European miners attacked Chinese encampment and burned homes and business, causing 20 deaths. Four years later, a similar violence appeared in Lambing Flat in New South Wales, which contributed to the Chinese Immigrant Restriction Act in the colony. See Susan Lawrence and Peter Davies, An Archaeology of Australia Since 1788, New York: Springer, 2011, 346. — Trans.

据传说十三世纪华人即已发现澳洲，亦有谓十四世纪澳洲即有华人足迹，惟无信史可征，仍有待于将来之考证，华人之大批移入澳洲，当在一八四零年至一八五九年之间，缘是时澳洲之东南部发现金鑛，西北部复开始农垦事业，由英移澳之人力有限，需工甚殷，欢迎华人入境，而华工之入口者遂众，华工刻苦耐劳，渐为白种工人所嫉视，而有排华之举。

The following data were collected by the Commonwealth Government of Australia. The number of Chinese reached a peak in 1870 when an estimated 50,000 Chinese were reported within Australia, half of whom lived in Melbourne. However, a series of restrictive legislations against Chinese immigrants – so strict that they should be called prohibitive legislations – soon were in force and stemmed the inflowing current. The 385,238 Chinese of 1881 had by 1902 dwindled to 29,908. The number became 20,775 in 1911 and decreased to 15,000 by 1930. There are only about 12,000 Chinese in Australia right now.[1]

[1] The “now” in this sentence refers to the time that this book was finished. The translator speculates, based on the following text, that the time should be 1939. — Trans.    

据澳洲联邦政府统计，华侨人数最多时，约在一八七零年间，全澳约有五万余人，内墨饵钵一区，即占半数，后因屡加取缔，形同禁止入境，以故人数渐减，一八八一年四月减至三八、五二三八，一九零二年减至二九、九0八人，一九一一年减至二0、七七五人，至一九三零年减至一五、000人，现在居留澳洲华侨仅在一万二千人左右而已。

The restriction of Chinese immigration began in 1855. At that time, the colony of Victoria announced an Immigration Act in which both an entrance tax of £10 and residence tax of nearly £1 were enforced on Chinese in Australia. In addition to these obstacles, the Act also contained a provision that the number of Chinese to be carried on any vessel shall be limited to one for every ten tons of registered tonnage. From then on, more and more colonies began to follow the measures set by Victoria and impose barriers on Chinese from their arrival to residence. Tasmania, the only colony that was yet to enact restrictive legislations on Chinese, passed an immigration act in 1887, signaling that a barrier to restrict Chinese immigrant was erected all round the country.[1]

[1] The number of Chinese entering Tasmania at that time was not large, but with the development of tin and gold mines in 1885, the number of Chinese increased, which led to a growing opposition from white labourer to restrict Chinese. As a result, Tasmania passed an anti-Chinese legislation in 1887. See Year Book Australia, 1925.  — Trans.

Although restrictions on Chinese entry were successively implemented in different colonies, their stringency were yet to remain at the same level. Following the formation of the federal government in 1901, an Immigration Act was passed by the newborn Commonwealth Parliament and unified the restrictions upon Chinese.

限制华人入境办法，虽已先后在各省实施，但其宽严并不一致，始至一九零一年联邦政府成立，联邦议会正式通过限制移民法案。至此限制华人入境之苛例全澳逐归统一矣。

Prior to 1901, colonies reduced immigrant inflows mainly by preventing the arrival of Chinese labourers to Australia. Yet apart from enacting harsh entry provisions, the Immigration Act 1901 had gone further by placing heavy restrictions on Chinese residents, and therefore almost driving Chinese to the end of their tether. [1] Not only the entrance but also the residence now became a luxury for them. Even if they managed to enter Australia, leaving seemed a certainty anyway.

[1] The Act was provided for the removal from the Commonwealth of prohibited immigrants.  Seven conditions were listed in the Act to identify prohibitive immigrants, and anyone who met any of the seven conditions would be prevented from entering Australia. A notorious dictation test was introduced by the Act to screen non-European applicants for entry to Australia. The test can be given in any European language, so Chinese migrant who was fluent in English may be required to take the test in French, making it almost impossible for Chinese people to stay in Australia. Certificates of Domicile and Certificates of Exemption from the Dictation Test were also included in the Act with an intention to proscribe the rights of residency of the Chinese who were resident in Australia at that time. See the 1901 Immigration Restriction Act and Kuo Mei-fen, Making Chinese Australia: Urban Elites, Newspapers and the Formation of Chinese-Australian Identity, 1892-1912, Clayton, Vic: Monash University Publishing, 2013, 7. Also, see Lucille Lok-Sun Ngan and Chan Kwok-bun, The Chinese Face in Australia: Multi-Generational Ethnicity among Australian-Born Chinese, New York: Springer, 2012, 3.  — Trans.

The previous restrictions were intended to protect white workers and their incomes, thus ensuring that white labourers maintained high living standards. The enforcement of these restrictions was mainly fueled by economic factors. However, after the establishment of the federal government, the protection extended to the entire white community. With an aim to keep the race pure, the government implemented the White Australia Policy, signaling that the emphasis on discrimination against Chinese shifted from the economic side to that of racial.

澳洲政府以前所谓限制，其目的原为保护白种工人，维持澳洲白种工人之生活标准，其动机偏于经济，惟自联邦政府成立以后，已由保护白种工人，进而保护白种人，其目的在求澳洲人种之纯一，实施所谓白澳政策（White Australia Policy），于是由经济上之歧视转而为种族上之歧视。

Under the White Australia Policy, some people in the governing party or the Opposition, though aware of the fact that the Policy was problematic, were reluctant to raise any objections to a national policy. Given that the slightest move could leave the party vulnerable to the attack from the Opposition, those members in governing party walked on egg shells and preferred to keep silence, thus contributing to a more severe limitation, with many unwritten restrictive rules were in place to fill the legal gap. Other members, however, could not care less about whether the Act was impartiality and suggested to play tough on immigration in exchange with the silence from their opponents and favors of white people. For this reason, the White Australia policy, a brutal and unfair racial policy, remained unchanged.

在所谓「白澳政策」大标题之下，不论在朝在野之人士虽有知「白澳政策」之不当，但同认为国策，不敢稍持异议，尤其在朝政党，惜施稍有不当，即受在野党之攻击，以故限制办法，不特无所改善，且见日益严厉，法例之外更有种种惯例与习惯，其间竟有与白澳政策漠不相关者，盖政府之意以为失之过宽，受反对党之攻击，不如持之严密，以讨好白人，因是之故举世所认为不甚公平之白澳政策，仍坚持不变。

Chapter 2 An Overview on Overseas Chinese in Various States

第二章华侨移住各邦概况

New South Wales

It was the gold discoveries in New South Wales that led to the great influx of Chinese to meet the needs for labourer in the latter half of the 1850s. According to New South Wales Census in 1861, the number of Chinese had reached 13,000. Resentment from the white miners against Chinese miners soon began to build up and caused disturbance. When the Lambing Flat Riots[1] broke out in January 1861, Chinese labourers, the victims of the severe violence and looting, were driven away from the goldfields.[2] The underlying source of conflict is that Chinese miners were distinctly set apart from their white counterparts as they usually worked and socialized in their own groups and can sustain long hours of work. In addition to that, Chinese laborers lived frugally and never squandered their money on gambling or alcohol.[3]    

[1] Ann Curthoys, “Men of All Nations, except Chinamen: Europeans and Chinese on the Goldfields of New South Wales,” in Gold: Forgotten Histories and Lost Objects of Australia, ed., Iain McCalman, Alexander Cook and Andrew Reeves, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001, 110-11. — Trans. 

[2] Harley Farnsworth MacNair, The Chinese Abroad Their Position and Protection: A Study in International Law and Relations (Shanghai: The Commercial Press, 1924), 71-72.

[3] MacNair, The Chinese Abroad, 70.

因该州发现金矿,需要大批劳工,以故一八五零年代之后半期，华侨急剧增加，据一八六一年之国势调查，数达一万三千人，但不久即引起白种劳工之反感，起而排华，翌年一月发生Lambing Flat事件,华工大受迫害,破坏财产,并被逐出金矿区(MacNair: Chines abroad P. 71-72) 其原因以华工勤俭耐劳,自成集团,不与白人交际,所得工资又不向赌场酒肆浪费(MacNair: P. 70)

The Chinese generally worked in large groups, panning and sluicing for gold.[1] Adopting a rather primitive mining technique, the European miners, who were attracted by get-rich-quick scheme, often engaged in extensive excavation and paid little attention on gravel containing gold. Those abandoned claims would be collected by the meticulous Chinese diggers and carefully washed to extract gold. The large reward they received for their hard work made the white miners even more jealous. A Chinese Immigration Restriction Act similar to the Victoria one was passed in New South Wales in 1861, limiting the number of Chinese to be carried on any vessel to one for every ten tons of registered tonnage. The Act imposed residency tax and restricted Chinese from obtaining Australian citizenship. When the tide of gold mining began to ebb, New South Wales saw a huge wave of Chinese and Europeans moving to other colonies. The Immigration Restriction Act became superfluous and was repealed in 1867, given the fact that only a limited number of Chinese remained.

[1] For more information about the pattern of work and labor organization among Chinese miners, please refer to the following: Mae M. Ngai, “Chinese Gold Miners and the ‘Chinese Question’ in Nineteenth-Century California and Victoria”, Journal of American History, Vol. 101, No.4 (Mar. 2015): 1082–1105,  https://doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jav112 . — Trans.  

华工大批在矿区洗淘砂金,当时欧人之采矿者存暴冨之念,从事滥掘,采金法又异常原始的。常将含黄金之矿砂抛弃,华人收集欧人之废物,小心淘取,常得多量黄金,因此更为欧人所嫉视,一八六一年遂通过其维多利亚州相同之法案,即限制华人移民法,依照该法,毎一轮船每十吨(登记吨)准华人一名,另抽居住税,并保留华人之入籍权，但因砂金采掘业之衰退华人与欧人同样向别处开拓，移日见减少，故于一八六七年又将移民法废止。

After the majority of the colonies decided to adopt the uniform restrictive legislation on Chinese immigrants in Intercolonial Conference, the number of Chinese entering Australia dropped remarkably.[1] Even though Chinese could land in the Northern Territory, this place was restricted eventually.[2] A new restrictive law was passed in New South Wales in which the proportion was changed to one Chinese for every three hundred tons and a poll tax of one hundred pounds was collected.[3] This Act excluded Chinese from engaging in mining without permission from the minister for Mines, nor might they travel in the interior without special passports. The other colonies had tonnage laws also, allowing one Chinese only per five hundred tons.[4]  

[1]  The following excerpt is from Year Book Australia, 1925: “In 1880 and 1881, at the instigation of the Government of New South Wales, an Intercolonial Conference was held in Melbourne to discuss the question of Chinese immigration. As a result of this conference, which terminated its sittings in Sydney in the following year, uniform restrictive legislation was introduced by all the colonies except Tasmania.” — Trans.  

[2] The text here is a literal translation. The original text is “Dan yin beifang diyu keyi denglu, yi bei xianzhi 但因北方地域可以登陆,亦被限制” Because the logic is problematic, a new translation has been offered based on the comprehension for the text and the related historical material: “Although landing was allowed in Northern Territory where the South Australian restrictive policy did not apply, the door was closed eventually.” The measures taken in 1881 led to a significant reduction of the new Chinese arrivals. However, these restrictions were circumvented to some extent, and large numbers of Chinese landed in the Northern Territory, which was beyond the barriers against them. Therefore, in 1888, another conference was held, and further restrictions were imposed. See Year Book Australia, 1925.  — Trans.         

[3] Year Book Australia, 1925, 951-2.  

[4] MacNair, The Chinese Abroad, 71.

又因澳洲全体殖民地会议通过排华法案，华人入境者大为减少，但因北方地域可以登陆,亦被限制，新南威尔士再定轮船每三百吨准带华人一名(official Year book 1925 P. 951-2)人头税加至一百镑，华工非得矿务官宪之准许不得为矿工，又无旅行准许证者不许在内地旅行，其他各州，亦以吨数为限制标准，大概每五百吨准带华人一名(MacNair: P. 71)

The number of Chinese in New South Wales from 1856 to 1926:

Since 1849, the figure for Chinese applying for Australian citizenship in New South Wales was 921 in total. The table below shows the number of Chinese departed from Australia between 1929 and 1937.

1849以来，在新南威尔士申请入澳籍之华侨总数计921人。由1929年至1937年，每年华侨离境数有如下表：

Victoria

The enormous influx of Chinese laborers wishing to make fortunes on the goldfields in Victoria soon found themselves being subject to bullying and discrimination by the European miners.[1] In 1855, the Government organized the Goldfields’ Royal Commission with the intention of investigating the conflict. It then received a recommendation from the Commission to restrict the entrance of Chinese. Following the advice, the Victorian Legislature passed an Immigration Act in June which demanded that the number of Chinese passengers each vessel can carry shall be limited to one for per 10 tons of cargo.[2] Alongside this was the enforcement of a poll tax of £10. A residence tax was also enforced, starting in 1857 as £1 per month for each Chinese and changing to £4 annually in the next year. This residence tax was abolished in 1862.[3] The same year also saw the elimination of the tonnage restrictions upon the Chinese passengers. The Immigrant Restriction Act was no longer in place after the Intercolonial Conference held in 1880-1.[4] Yet along with the Intercolonial Conference of 1888 came a more stringent restriction which required the number of Chinese passengers to be one person for every 500 tons.

[1] On July 4, 1854, a proposal has been put forward by white miners in Bendigo for “a general and unanimous uprising … for the purpose of driving the Chinese population off the Bendigo goldfields.” Yet this plan failed to be implemented due to the timely intervention of the local authorities and the colonial troopers. See John Fitzgerald, Big White Lie: Chinese Australians in White Australia. Sydney: UNSW Press, 2007, 38. — Trans.  

[2] The Victorian Act of 1855, also called “An Act to make Provision for Certain Immigrants,” was aimed at restricting Chinese people from entering the Colony. This law was the first of its kind in Australia. — Trans.  

[3] For a more intuitive understanding of the historical evolution of relevant laws, please refer to the book mentioned here: Adam M. Mckeown, Melancholy Order: Asian Migration and the Globalization of Borders. New York: Columbia University Press, 2011, 127. — Trans.

[4] According to the relevant historical records, it is fair to conclude that the author made a mistake here. The Act was repealed in 1865. On December 24th, 1881, “The Chinese Act, 1881,” the anti-Chinese act, was passed in Victoria. See Joseph Lee, “Anti-Chinese Legislation in Australasia,” in The Quarterly Journal of Economics, Vol. 3, No. 2 (Jan. 1889), 219, https://doi.org/10.2307/1879468. — Trans.  

In 1937, as few as 274 Chinese entered Australia via Victoria and 301 left from the colony, including those arrived or departed from Melbourne.

The below chart shows the number of Chinese in Victoria from 1854 to 1938.

一八五四——一九三八维多利亚之华侨人数有如左表：

Queensland

Queensland had an experience similar to that of Victoria and New South Wales where a stream of Chinese labourers rushed to the newly discovered goldfields in the colony. The government notified the Governor of Hong Kong in 1875 that Chinese arrivals were not welcome and that they would strictly examine the vessels carrying Chinese people to Cooktown.[1] In 1876, the authorities passed the Goldfields Act Amendment Act to enforce discriminative measures against Chinese miners. The exploitation of Chinese increased in 1884 with the new Act raising the poll tax to £30 and changing the passenger limitation on vessel from 10 tons to 50 tons. After the Intercolonial Conference of 1888, the Queensland Government applied the same law for the southern colonies.[2] The chart below shows the number of Chinese in Queensland from 1861 to 1933.

[1] The translation here was an effort by translator to assure the accuracy, for the author made some mistakes related to historical facts. A literal translation of the original text was offered here as well: “The Government notified the Governor of Hong Kong in 1670 that Chinese arrivals were not welcome and that they would ban vessels came from China to Cocktown.” Cooktown was the nearest port for the Palmer Goldfields in Queensland. The following excerpt is from the relevant official documents. “…By April 1875, the Government was warning Hong Kong, that: all steamers carrying Chinese to Cooktown will be liable to be detained there until the Health Officer satisfies himself that they are fit subjects to be landed; also, that it is proposed that all aliens shall be subject to a miner’s right of £4, and a business license of £8.” See Queensland’s V&P, 1875, p. 95. — Trans.  

[2] The text here is a literal translation. The original text is “kunshilan zhou zhengfu duiyu nanfang zhu zhimin yong tongyang lvli  昆士兰州政府对于南方诸殖民用同样律例”. Because it makes little sense, a new translation was added here as a result of the translator’s speculation on the basis of the relevant historical record: “After the Intercolonial Conference of 1888, an Act, which was akin to those in force in the southern colonies, was passed in Queensland.” – Trans.    

本州正如新南威尔士维多利亚洲一样，同是发现金矿，致有大载移民，一六七零年该州政府禁止由中国库克顿（Cock.town）之船舶往来,并通知香港总督不欢迎华人入境,一八七六年根据改正金矿法，对于华籍矿工于以差别待遇，一八八四年更以法律改正人头税，增加至三十镑，船舶乘客之限制由十吨一人增至五十吨一人，一八八八年会议后，昆士兰州政府对于南方诸殖民用同样律例，兹将一八六一年——一九三三年各华侨人数列举如下：

The number of 1933 is an outcome of field investigation. The ★ represents those born in China, and another 649 born in Australia were not included.

本表一九三三年人数系实地调査，★示在中国原籍出生者之人数，另有土生六百四十九人不算在内

In order to evade the 1855 Victoria Immigration Act, Chinese passengers landed at Guichen Bay with the assistance of the shipping companies, and then traveled overland to the goldfields in Victoria. With an intention to help the adjoining colonies and to curb the increase of Chinese immigrants, the South Australian Government passed an Act in 1857 which was identical with that of Victoria. The Act, however, was abolished in 1861 for bringing no benefit at all.[1] After the Intercolonial Conference held in 1880-1, a new Act, which was similar to the Queensland’s Act, began to be applied in 1871 to every part of South Australia, except the Northern Territory.[2] Then the legislation extended to the Territory in 1888, thus making the whole of Australia restrictive to the entry of Chinese.

[1] The accuracy of this sentence is questionable. In the original text, the Act was repealed for “百无好处 bai wu haochu” – meaning “bringing no benefit at all.” The Act, however, was proven to be effective in reducing the Chinese population in South Australia. Then it was repealed in 1861 – a time the gold rush was over – by Sir Richard MacDonnell (1814-1881), the Governor of South Australia, by claiming that this Act was conflicted with British’s freedom policy. See Joseph Lee, “Anti-Chinese Legislation in Australasia,” in The Quarterly Journal of Economics, Vol. 3, No. 2 (Jan. 1889): 218-224. Also, see Wilf Sprengel, The Ecstasy and Agony of Guichen Bay , Naracoorte [S. Aust.]: Hansen Print, 1986, 22-28. — Trans. 

[2] The Northern Territory usually saw very limited amount of labourers entered. The development of the tropical agriculture in there, therefore, made Legislative Council of South Australia became hesitant to expel the only kind of labourer who volunteered to go there. See Myra Willard, History of the White Australia Policy to 1920, 2nd ed. (Hong Kong: Melbourne University Press, 1947), 30. — Trans.

中国侨工因规避一八五五年维多利亜州之移民限制法，轮船公司在南澳Guichen Bay停轮以便华人上陆，由此处遵陆往维多利亚金矿区，南澳州为援助隣近殖民地及抑制华侨人口增加起见，一八五七年通过类似维州之法律，以为限制，但事实上因般无好处，遂于一八六一予以废止，一八八0——八一全殖民会议后于一八七一年又仿昆士兰州之限制移民法，但北方地域除外，始至一八八八年其限制法扩展，将北方地域亦包括在内，由此全澳洲对于华侨之入境，已完成壁垒而毫无空隙矣。

In 1935, South Australia had seen 2 arrivals, and 4 departures. Two years later, no Chinese entered or left there at all, and none applied for Australian nationality. The below chart illustrates the specific numbers of Chinese living in South Australia from 1881 to 1921, according to the international investigation. [1]

[1] This chart was from Official Year book 1925 P.953-4

一九三七年华侨出入境者均无，一九三五年入境者二人，出境者四人，亦无申请入籍者，兹将一八八一年——一九二一年国际调查期间，旅居该州之华侨人数列举如下：

(A) Estimated (X) Not available

(A) 推定数 (X) 不详

Since the cessation of convict transportation, the Government of the Crown Colony in Western Australia, despite the effort to attract free immigrants of the labourering class, saw no growth of labourer input and turned its eyes to Chinese workforce. [1] 50 Chinese under labourer contracts were introduced in 1878 by the Government. After two years, a proposal was made to bring another 50 Chinese coolies. When gold was found in the Kimberley district, the Government of Western Australia feared that the Chinese would take over the goldfields and decided to adopt restrictive measures in 1886. The number of Chinese who entered Western Australia declined rapidly under the provisions of the Imported Labourers Registry Act 1884.[2] After the Intercolonial Conference of 1888, a new Act was passed in accordance with restrictive measures agreed upon immigration on the Conference. Then by an amendment passed in 1897, traveling to the area below latitude 27 degrees south within the colony was allowed. The numbers of Chinese in Western Australia from 1881 to 1921 were as following:[3] 

[1]  For over six decades, Australia was a destination for British criminals. In 1846 Western Australia wanted to take the convicts as cheap and subsidized workforce that might build up its infrastructure. However, the last flow of convicts from Britain to Western Australia was in 1867, given that other Australian colonies feared they might be infected by escaped convicts. See Philip Harling, “The Trouble with Convicts: From Transportation to Penal Servitude, 1840–67.” Journal of British Studies 53, no.1 (2014): 80-110. http://www.jstor.org/stable/24700957. In addition, for more information of the Chinese labourers recruited by the Western Australia, please refer to the following: James Jupp, ed., The Australian People: An Encyclopedia of the Nation, its people and their Origins, 2nd ed. (Melbourne: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 213-4. — Trans.

[2] To prevent the importation of old and sickly persons, this Act regulated the registration of certain persons who were imported into Western Australia or employed in any manner within the Territorial Dominion. See the Imported Labourers Registry Act 1884. — Trans.

[3] This chart was from Official year book 1925. P. 958

西澳直辖殖民地政府，自停止流刑犯后，会奖励劳动阶级人口，但收效殊鲊，一八七八年输入华工五十人，一八八0年，再提议输入五十名，及京巴利发现金矿后，恐华侨大量入境，于一八八六年采用限制法，虽然一八八四年采用劳动者登记法(Imported labourer’s Register Act)以为限制入境之手段,入境者大见减少,一八八八年殖民地全体会议所协定之限制方法成为法律，至一八九七年又制定改正法，规定在南纬二十七度以南地带，准计华侨来往，兹将一八八一年—一九二一年旅居西澳华侨人数表列如下：

(X) Not available

(X)不详  

Tasmania

Although at that time the number of Chinese immigrated in Tasmania was limited, the colony of Tasmania was represented at the Intercolonial Conference in 1880-81 and adopted the Queensland restrictive measure in 1878. However, in 1885 the development of tin and gold mining attracted Chinese labourers. Despite the fact that they numbered less than a thousand, outcry for protection of white labourers arose. Consequently, an Act was passed at the end of 1887 similar to those in force in New South Wales and Victoria. Below chart shows the number of Chinese in Tasmania from 1881 to 1933.[1]

[1] The number of Chinese in Tasmania between 1881 and 1921 was from official year book 1925. P. 935

最初华人移入该州者极少，一八八0——八八一年殖民地全体会议，该州曾派代表出席，并先于一八七八年采用昆士兰州之限制法，但一八八五年因锡鑛金鑛相冨发展，华侨遂有至该地者，然为数尙不及千人，而保护白人劳动者之呼声遂起，一八八七年乃施行与新南威尔士州、维多利亚州同样之法律限制华人入境，兹将一八八一年至一九三三年旅居该州之华侨人数列表如下：

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Northern Territory

In 1874, the South Australian Government recruited and sent Chinese coolies to the Northern Territory, letting them engage in topical agriculture. Yet later the discovery of goldfields brought a soaring number of Chinese. Soon afterwards, more than 4,000 Chinese labourers entered the Territory in 1887-8, constructing the railway from Darwin to Pine Creek. The considerable amount of Chinese in the Territory was met with a recommendation from the South Australia to restrict the entry of Chinese immigrants. The Government in the Northern Territory then enforced the new Act in which the restriction on Chinese in South Australia extended to the Northern Territory. The numbers of Chinese living in the Northern Territory from 1881 to 1921 are listed below.[1]

[1] This chart was from Official Year book 1925 P.935

一八七四年南澳政府曾转送华侨苦力至北方地域，以従事热带农业，但发现金鑛后，华侨来者渐多，一八八七至八八年建筑达尔文至宾古利克铁路，来者更多，当时人数达四千以上，其后采纳南澳之劝吿，采用一八八八年之限制法，华人遂被禁入境矣。兹将一八八一年至一九二一年旅居北澳华侨人数列表如下：

The number of Chinese has been decreasing since 1881. In 1939, there were approximately 12,000 Chinese in Australia, and the elderly accounted for three quarters of the population. The lack of young people may lead to a consistent and severe decline of Chinese immigrants in the following years.[1] 1939 also saw about 3,500 mixed-race people, most of whom were adopting Australian lifestyles and did not even speak Chinese.

[1] One of the major reasons that prevent the number of Chinese immigrants from growing lies in the great shortage of Chinese women. At the time of federation, only 474 Chinese women were recorded among the Chinese-Australian of 29,627, accounting for only 1.6% of the entire population. See John Fitzgerald, Big White Lie: Chinese Australians in White Australia. (Sydney: UNSW Press, 2007), 14. — Trans.

澳州华侨自一八八一年以来渐见减少,最近一九三九年约有一万二千余人，其四分之三为老人，物故后恐难有继起者，故在此后数年间，旅澳华侨人数恐将大见减少，即现有人数中混击种约有三千五百人，彼等大槪已土著化，甚至不谙华语者。

Very rarely can one see a Chinese engaged in occupations other than indentured labourers. Of all the Chinese in Australia, only two or three of them became doctors or attorneys. Thomas Bakhap, the former Tasmanian Senator and a member of the Commonwealth Liberal Party, the adoptive son of a Chinese immigrant, died in 1923, and afterwards no politician ever associated with Chinese.[1]

[1] In 1913, Thomas Jerome Bakhap was elected to federal parliament as a Liberal senator representing Tasmania. The fluent Chinese he learned from his adoptive Chinese father enabled him to support and protect the Chinese workers in Australia. See “Entrepreneurs and business,” The National Museum of Australia, https://www.nma.gov.au/explore/features/harvest-of-endurance/scroll/entrepreneurs-and-business.

（一）商业 Commerce

Sydney, one of the biggest hubs of Chinese traders, had ten famous companies, including two trading giants, Wing Sang and Wing On and Co.

华侨商业多在雪梨市，在该市之商业最著名有十余问，当以「永新」(Wing Sang)及永安(Wing On)为最大。

Wing Sang was founded 50 years ago (1890) by a group of Chinese immigrants. On 10 August 1909, Wing Sang expanded its business scope to general merchandise and import/export business. The branches of Wing Sang were opened in China at the same time. £40,000 capital was divided into 400 shares of £100.

永新系五十年前来澳之侨民所组织,一九0九年八月十日创立经营一般商业及出入口并设分店于祖国，资本金四万磅（分四百股，每股额面一百磅）

The founder of Wing On was an employee of Wing Sang before he ventured out on his own to establish Wing On in 1930. £50,000 capital (£1 per share) was divided into Class A shares and Class B shares, £25,000 for each class.[1] Wing On ran a business selling fruits and agricultural products.[2]

[1] Unfortunately, details about the shareholding structure of Wing Sang and Wing On are not available, so the translator is not sure whether the original description of the capital is accurate.

[2] Wing On achieved a big success in incorporating Christian ethics into its operations. The service motto was “Quality, reasonable price, satisfaction and courtesy.” The first tenet that guided the store’s philosophy was that all people who entered the doors of the store shall be equal. “There is to be no slighting of one customer and privileging of another.” Inclusive business egalitarianism existed in all aspects of company operations, which may serve as a counterpoint to the prejudice the mainstream Australian society held that the Chinese had a deeply rooted sense of hierarchy and cannot understand the Australian value of equality. See Fitzgerald, Big White Lie, 203.

「永安」系由脱离「永新」之职员所组织，一九三0年成立，资本金五万磅（额空毎股一磅），分AB两种股票，每种二万五千磅）经营水菓及农产物之买卖。

The names and addresses of the important companies in Sydney are listed below:

2. Organizations

（二）团体 

There were several organizations found by overseas Chinese in Sidney, including the Chinese Chamber of Commerce, Overseas Chinese Association, Sydney Branch of the Australasian Kuo Min Tang,[1] and the Christian Churches.[2]

[1] “The history of the Chinese Nationalist Party of Australasia, or the Australian Kuo Min Tang (hereafter KMT), begins in 1910 with the formation in Melbourne of the Young China League to support Dr Sun Yat-Sen’s revolutionary aims. After the 1911 revolution it became a branch of Sun’s Kuo Min Tang party. The Australian KMT was the first modern Chinese-Australian institution without the traditional restricted membership requirements of clan, class, native-place or gender affiliation.” See Kuo Mei-fen and Brett Judith, Unlocking the History of the Australasian Kuo Min Tang 1911-2013, Kew, VIC, Australia: Australian Scholarly Publishing, 2013, 3.

[2] The Chinese Chamber of Commerce (Huashang huishe), whose predecessor was thought to be Lin Yin Tong, was established in 1903. Tong normally refers to a type of Chinese social organization. It has been used by Chinese immigrants to title various associations, such as secret societies, clan associations and kinship societies. Found in 1892, Lin Yin Tong began to demonstrate a great influence when it made efforts to mobilise and integrate with Western networks and manners, rather than merely following kinship customs, a model that the most Chinese merchants and associations adopted at that time. It’s operation was both inclusive and democratic. The NSW Chinese Chamber of Commerce kept the operating model and became a more inclusive and reform-minded association. See Fitzgerald, Big White Lie, 182. Also, see Kuo, Making Chinese Australia, 23-31.

澳州之华侨团体在雪梨有华侨总商会(Chinese Chamber of commerce)华侨协会, 国民党支部，基督教协会等。    

Founded in 1888 as Leung Yea Tong, the Chinese Chamber of Commerce had a membership of around 700 a few years ago, while it has dwindled to 250 now (1939).[1]

[1] “Leung Yea Tong” refers to “Lin Yin Tong,” the association that was introduced above by the translator. The year mentioned here should be “1892” rather than “1888,” according to the authoritative historical works. See Fitzgerald, Big White Lie, 182. Also, see Kuo, Making Chinese Australia, 23-31. — Trans.

华侨总商会之前身，为一八八八年所组织之两宜堂(Leung Yea Tong)，数年前约有会员七百人，现在已减至二百五十人。

The size of the overseas Chinese organizations in Victoria was usually tiny. A Chinese Association was organized by the Chinese community in Melbourne.

维多利亚州华侨团体之范围甚小，墨尔钵之华侨有华侨商会之组织。

2) The Overseas Chinese Association was once under the leadership of James Chao, a famous figure in Melbourne. [1] This Association still exist today (1939).

[1]  The author referred James’s Chinese name as 赵某 (zhao mou), which means Mr. Chao. Unfortunately, his full Chinese name is no available in existing materials. — Trans.

(2) 华侨协会过去主持之著名人物为赵某,其西名为James Chao，现该会仍继续存在。

3) Christian churches were organized by young Chinese Christians in Sydney. Chinese ministers once were employed there to propagate Christian doctrines. [1]

[1] The majority of Sydney’s Chinese commercial elite were Christians. They were encouraged to participate in wider social networks as well as issues outside business through their work with the Church. At that time, Reverend John Young Wai and his Chinese Presbyterian Church had a profound impact on Chinese community in Sydney. Rev. Wai put a great effort on caring for the Chinese immigrants who were far from home and relatives, organizing English class to bring Chinese the culture and general knowledge they needed to thrive in a predominantly Western society, and thus stablishing a high level of prestige in the Sydney Chinese community. Many people started their business under the encouragement of Wai, including the founding manager of Wing On. See Mei-fen, Making Chinese Australia, 151.  — Trans.

(3) 基督敎会为雪梨之靑年基督教徒所组织，曾经一度聘有华藉牧师宣传教义.

All three Chinese-language newspapers in Australia were based in Sydney.[1]

[1] Three newspapers were based in Sydney and Melbourne over the first decade of 20th century, all of them were founded by members of the Sydney urban elite. The Chinese Australian Herald, the first Chinese-language newspaper, was launched in Sydney in 1894. It was followed by the publication of the Tung Wah News in 1898, also in Sydney and continued as the Tung Wah Times. The third was Chinese Republic News 民国报 published between 1913 and 1937. In 1902 the Chinese Times was set up in Melbourne and continued as民报 from 1919 to 1922, later moved to Sydney. See Mei-fen, Making Chinese Australia,14, 38,153.  — Trans.

(1) 民报 Chinese Republic News Address: 75. Ultine Rd.

It was found by Kuo Min Tang.

(2) 公报 Chinese World’s News            Address: 18. Mary St

(3) 东华报  Tung Wah Times                   Address: 78 Campbell St

(1) 民报 Chinese Republic News Address: 75. Ultine Rd.

系国民党所办。

(2) 公报 Chinese World’s News            Address: 18. Mary St

(3) 东华报  Tung Wah Times                   Address: 78 Campbell St

[1]七七 in this text referred to the July 7th Incident. It is a battle between Chinese and Japanese soldiers in July 1937. This incident is considered as a trigger of full-scale hostilities with Japan in mainland China.  See James B. Crowley, “A Reconsideration of the Marco Polo Bridge Incident.” The Journal of Asian Studies 22, no. 3 (May 1963): 277–291. doi:10.2307/2050187.  —Trans.

（四）七七后对祖国之捐献 

From 7 July 1937 to June 1939, overseas Chinese in Australia donated a total of 375,000 yuan to China. Donation from New Zealand to China by overseas Chinese was 54,000 yuan.